Nicaragua Information and Facts

Poverty

Nicaragua is the second poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, measured in GDP per capita.[72][73] According to the CIA Fact Book, inflation averaged 8.1% from 2000 through 2006. As of 2007, Nicaragua's inflation stands at 9.8%. The World Bank also indicates moderate economic growth at an average of 5% from 1995 through 2004. In 2005 the economy grew 4%, with overall GDP reaching $4.91 billion. In 2006, the economy expanded by 3.7% as GDP reached $5.3 billion. As of 2008, it stands at $6.5 billion.

According to the PNUD, 48% of the population in Nicaragua live below the poverty line[74], 79.9% of the population live with less than $2 per day[75], unemployment is 3.9%, and another 46.5% are underemployed (2008 est.). As in many other developing countries, a large segment of the economically poor in Nicaragua are women. In addition, a relatively high proportion of Nicaragua's homes have a woman as head of household: 39% of urban homes and 28% of rural homes. According to UN figures, 80% of the indigenous people (who make up 5% of the population) live on less than $1 per day.[76]

Infrastructure

During the war between the US-backed Contras and the elected government of the Sandinistas in the 1980s, much of the country's infrastructure was damaged or destroyed.[77] Inflation averaged 30% throughout the 1980s. After the United States imposed a trade embargo in 1985, which lasted 5 years, Nicaragua's inflation rate rose dramatically. The 1985 annual rate of 220% tripled the following year and rose to more than 13,000% in 1988, the highest rate for any country in the Western Hemisphere in that year.

The country is still a recovering economy and it continues to implement further reforms, on which aid from the IMF is conditional. In 2005 finance ministers of the leading eight industrialized nations (G8) agreed to forgive some of Nicaragua's foreign debt, as part of the HIPC program. According to the World Bank Nicaragua's GDP was around $4.9 billion US dollars. Recently, in March 2007, Poland and Nicaragua signed an agreement to write off 30.6 million dollars which was borrowed by the Nicaraguan government in the 1980s.[78] Since the end of the war almost two decades ago, more than 350 state enterprises have been privatized. Inflation reduced from 33,500% in 1988 to 9.45% in 2006, and the foreign debt was cut in half.[79]

According to the World Bank, Nicaragua ranked as the 62nd best economy for starting a business making it the second best in Central America, after Panama.[80] Nicaragua's economy is "62.7% free" with high levels of fiscal, government, labor, investment, financial, and trade freedom.[81] It ranks as the 61st freest economy, and 14th (out of 29) in the Americas.

History

Pre-Columbian history

6000 year old human footprints preserved in volcanic mud near the lake, they are called "Huellas de Acahualinca" in Managua, Nicaragua.In Pre-Columbian times, in what is now known as Nicaragua, the Indigenous people were part of the Intermediate Area located between the Mesoamerican and Andean cultural regions and within the influence of the Isthmo-Colombian area. It was the point where the Mesoamerican and South American native cultures met. This is confirmed by the ancient footprints of Acahualinca, along with other archaeological evidence, mainly in the form of ceramics and statues made of volcanic stone like the ones found on the island of Zapatera and petroglyphs found on Ometepe island.

The Pipil migrated from Central Mexico after 500 CE.

At the end of the 15th century, western Nicaragua was inhabited by several indigenous peoples related by culture to the Mesoamerican civilisations and by language to the Mesoamerican Linguistic Area.[4] They were primarily farmers who lived in towns, organized into small kingdoms. Meanwhile, the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua was inhabited by other peoples, mostly chibcha related groups, that had migrated from what is now Colombia. They lived a less sedentary life based on hunting and gathering.[5] The people of eastern Nicaragua appear to have traded with, and been influenced by, the native peoples of the Caribbean, as round thatched huts and canoes, both typical of the Caribbean, were common in eastern Nicaragua. In the west and highland areas, occupying the territory between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific Coast, the Niquirano were governed by chief Nicarao, or Nicaragua, a rich ruler who lived in Nicaraocali, now the city of Rivas. The Chorotega lived in the central region of Nicaragua. These two groups had intimate contact with the Spanish conquerors, paving the way for the racial mix of native and European stock now known as mestizos.[6] However, within three decades an estimated Indian population of one million plummeted, as approximately half of the indigenous people in western Nicaragua died from the rapid spread of new diseases brought by the Spaniards, something the indigenous people of the Caribbean coast managed to escape due to the remoteness of the area.[6]

The Spanish conquest

Colonial architecture of the city of Granada, NicaraguaIn 1502, Christopher Columbus was the first European known to have reached what is now Nicaragua as he sailed south along the Central America isthmus. On his fourth voyage Columbus sailed alongside and explored the Mosquito Coast on the east of Nicaragua.[7] The first attempt to conquer what is now known as Nicaragua was by Gil González Dávila,[8] whose Central American exploits began with his arrival in Panama in January 1520. González claimed to have converted some 30,000 indigenous peoples and discovered a possible transisthmian water link. After exploring and gathering gold in the fertile western valleys González was attacked by the indigenous people, some of whom were commanded by Nicarao and an estimated 3,000 led by chief Diriangén.[9] González later returned to Panama where governor Pedrarias Dávila attempted to arrest him and confiscate his treasure, some 90,000 pesos of gold. This resulted in González fleeing to Santo Domingo.

It was not until 1524 that the first Spanish permanent settlements were founded.[8] Conquistador Francisco Hernández de Córdoba founded two of Nicaragua's principal towns in 1524: Granada on Lake Nicaragua was the first settlement and León east of Lake Managua came after. Córdoba soon found it necessary to prepare defenses for the cities and go on the offensive against incursions by the other conquistadores. Córdoba was later publicly beheaded following a power struggle with Pedrarias Dávila, his tomb and remains were discovered some 500 years later in the Ruins of León Viejo.[10]

The inevitable clash between the Spanish forces did not impede their devastation of the indigenous population. The Indian civilization was destroyed. The series of battles came to be known as The War of the Captains.[11] By 1529, the conquest of Nicaragua was complete. Several conquistadores came out winners, and some were executed or murdered. Pedrarias Dávila was a winner; although he had lost control of Panama, he had moved to Nicaragua and established his base in León. Through adroit diplomatic machinations, he became the first governor of the colony.[10] The land was parceled out to the conquistadores. The area of most interest was the western portion. Many indigenous people were soon enslaved to develop and maintain "estates" there. Others were put to work in mines in northern Nicaragua, few were killed in warfare, and the great majority were sent as slaves to other New World Spanish colonies, for significant profit to the new landed aristocracy. Many of the indigenous people died as a result of disease and neglect by the Spaniards who controlled everything necessary for their subsistence.[8]

From Clony to Ntion

Corn Island off the Atlantic Coast was originally a British protectorate until it was ceded along with the rest of the Mosquito Coast to NicaraguaIn 1536, the Viceroyalty of New Spain was established. By 1570, the southern part of New Spain was designated the Captaincy General of Guatemala. The area of Nicaragua was divided into administrative "parties" with León as the capital. In 1610, the Momotombo volcano erupted, destroying the capital. It was rebuilt northwest of what is now known as the Ruins of Old León. Nicaragua became a part of the Mexican Empire and then gained its independence as a part of the United Provinces of Central America in 1821 and as an independent republic in its own right in 1838. The Mosquito Coast based on the Caribbean coast was claimed by the United Kingdom and its predecessors as a protectorate from 1655 to 1850; this was delegated to Honduras in 1859 and transferred to Nicaragua in 1860, though it remained autonomous until 1894. Jose Santos Zelaya, president of Nicaragua from 1893-1909, managed to negotiate for the annexation of this region to the rest of Nicaragua. In his honour the entire region was named Zelaya.

Founding members of the Deutsche Club in NicaraguaMuch of Nicaragua's independence was characterized by rivalry between the liberal elite of León and the conservative elite of Granada. The rivalry often degenerated into civil war, particularly during the 1840s and 1850s. Initially invited by the Liberals in 1855 to join their struggle against the Conservatives, a United States adventurer named William Walker (later executed in Honduras) set himself up as president of Nicaragua, after conducting a farcical election in 1856. Costa Rica, Honduras and other Central American countries united to drive him out of Nicaragua in 1857, after which a period of three decades of Conservative rule ensued.[12]

In the 1800s Nicaragua experienced a wave of immigration, primarily from Europe. In particular, families from Germany, Italy, Spain, France and Belgium moved to Nicaragua to set up businesses with money they brought from Europe. They established many agricultural businesses such as coffee and sugar cane plantations, and also newspapers, hotels and banks.

Throughout the late nineteenth century the United States (and several other European powers) considered a scheme to build a canal across Nicaragua linking the Pacific Ocean to the Atlantic. A bill was put before the U.S. Congress in 1899 to build the canal, but it was not passed, and instead the construction of the Panama Canal began.

United States involvement (1909 - 1933)

Augusto C. SandinoIn 1909, the United States provided political support to conservative-led forces rebelling against President Zelaya. U.S. motives included differences over the proposed Nicaragua Canal, Nicaragua's potential as a destabilizing influence in the region, and Zelaya's attempts to regulate foreign access to Nicaraguan natural resources. On November 18, 1909, U.S. warships were sent to the area after 500 revolutionaries (including two Americans) were executed by order of Zelaya. The U.S. justified the intervention by claiming to protect U.S. lives and property. Zelaya resigned later that year.

In August 1912 the President of Nicaragua, Adolfo Díaz, requested that the Secretary of War, General Luis Mena, resign for fear that he was leading an insurrection. Mena fled Managua with his brother, the Chief of Police of Managua, to start an insurrection. When the U.S. Legation asked President Díaz to ensure the safety of American citizens and property during the insurrection he replied that he could not and that...

“ In consequence my Government desires that the Government of the United States guarantee with its forces security for the property of American Citizens in Nicaragua and that it extend its protection to all the inhabitants of the Republic.[13] ”

U.S. Marines occupied Nicaragua from 1912 to 1933,[14] except for a nine month period beginning in 1925. From 1910 to 1926, the conservative party ruled Nicaragua. The Chamorro family, which had long dominated the party, effectively controlled the government during that period. In 1914, the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty was signed, giving the U.S. control over the proposed canal, as well as leases for potential canal defenses.[15] Following the evacuation of U.S. marines, another violent conflict between liberals and conservatives took place in 1926, known as the Constitutionalist War, which resulted in a coalition government and the return of U.S. Marines.[16]

From 1927 until 1933, Gen. Augusto C. Sandino led a sustained guerrilla war first against the Conservative regime and subsequently against the U.S. Marines, who withdrew upon the establishment of a new Liberal government. Sandino was the only Nicaraguan general to refuse to sign the el tratado del Espino Negro agreement and then headed up to the northern mountains of Las Segovias, where he fought the US Marines for over five years.[17] The revolt finally forced the United States to compromise and leave the country. When the Americans left in 1933, they set up the Guardia Nacional (National Guard),[18] a combined military and police force trained and equipped by the Americans and designed to be loyal to U.S. interests. Anastasio Somoza García, a close friend of the American government, was put in charge. He was one of the three rulers of the country, the others being Sandino and the President Juan Bautista Sacasa.

After the US Marines withdrew from Nicaragua in January 1933, Sandino and the newly-elected Sacasa government reached an agreement by which he would cease his guerrilla activities in return for amnesty, a grant of land for an agricultural colony, and retention of an armed band of 100 men for a year.[19] But a growing hostility between Sandino and Somoza led Somoza to order the assassination of Sandino.[18][20][21] Fearing future armed opposition from Sandino, Somoza invited him to a meeting in Managua, where Sandino was assassinated on February 21 of 1934 by the National Guard. Hundreds of men, women, and children were executed later.[22]

The Somoza Dynasty (1936 - 1979)

Anastasio Somoza García and his sons Luis Somoza Debayle (left) and Anastasio Somoza Debayle (right)Nicaragua has experienced several military dictatorships, the longest one being the rule of the Somoza family for much of the 20th century. The Somoza family came to power as part of a US-engineered pact in 1927 that stipulated the formation of the Guardia Nacional, or the National Guard, to replace the U.S. marines that had long reigned in the country.[23] Somoza slowly eliminated officers in the National Guard who might have stood in his way, and then deposed Sacasa and became president on January 1, 1937 in a rigged election.[18] Somoza was 35 at the time.

Nicaragua declared war on Germany on May 7, 1918, during World War I.[24] No troops were sent to the war but Somoza[contradiction] did seize the occasion to confiscate attractive properties held by German-Nicaraguans, the best-known of which was the Montelimar estate which today operates as a privately-owned luxury resort and casino[25]. In 1945 Nicaragua was the first country to ratify the UN Charter.[26]

Throughout his years as dictator, "Tacho" Somoza 'ruled Nicaragua with a strong arm'.[27] He had three main sources for his power: control of Nicaraguan economy, military support, and support from the U.S.

Street scene of Managua city centre prior to the 1972 earthquakeSomoza used the National Guard to force Sacasa to resign, and took control of the country in 1937, destroying any potential armed resistance.[28] Not only did he have military control, but he controlled the National Liberal Party (LPN), which in turn controlled the legislature and judicial systems, giving him complete political power. Despite his complete control, on September 21, 1956, Somoza was shot by Rigoberto López Pérez, a 27-year-old liberal Nicaraguan poet. Somoza was attending a PLN party to celebrate his nomination for the Presidency. He died eight days later, unable to recover from his fatal wound. After his father's death, Luis Somoza Debayle, the eldest son of the late dictator, was appointed President by the congress and officially took charge of the country.[18] He is remembered by some for being moderate, but was in power only for a few years and then died of a heart attack. Then came president René Schick whom most Nicaraguans viewed "as nothing more than a puppet of the Somozas".[29] Somoza's brother, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, a West Point graduate, succeeded his father in charge of the National Guard, controlled the country, and officially took the presidency after Schick.

Nicaragua experienced economic growth during the 1960s and 1970s largely as a result of industrialization,[30] and became one of Central America's most developed nations despite its political instability. Due to its stable and high growth economy, foreign investments grew, primarily from U.S. companies such as Citigroup, Sears, Westinghouse and Coca Cola. However, the capital city of Managua suffered a major earthquake in 1972 which destroyed nearly 90% of the city creating major losses.[31] It leveled a 600-square block area in the heart of Managua. Some Nicaraguan historians see the 1972 earthquake that devastated Managua as the final 'nail in the coffin' for Somoza. Instead of helping to rebuild Managua, Somoza siphoned off relief money to help pay for National Guard luxury homes, while the homeless poor had to make do with hastily constructed wooden shacks. The mishandling of relief money also prompted Pittsburgh Pirates star Roberto Clemente to personally fly to Managua on 31 December 1972, but he died enroute in an airplane accident.[32] Even the economic elite were reluctant to support Somoza, as he had acquired monopolies in industries that were key to rebuilding the nation,[33] and did not allow the elite to share the profits that would result. In 1973 (the year of reconstruction) many new buildings were built, but the level of corruption in the government prevented further growth. Strikes and demonstrations developed as citizens became increasingly angry and politically mobilized. The elite were angry that Somoza was asking them to pay new emergency taxes to further his own ends. As a result, more of the young elite joined the Sandinista Liberation Front (FSLN). The ever increasing tensions and anti-government uprisings slowed growth in the last two years of the Somoza dynasty.

Nicaraguan Revolution

Main articles: Nicaraguan Revolution and FSLN

In 1961 Carlos Fonseca, turned back to the historical figure of Sandino, and along with 2 others founded the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN).[18] The FSLN was a tiny party throughout most of the 1960s, but Somoza's utter hatred of it and his heavy-handed treatment of anyone he suspected to be a Sandinista sympathizer gave many ordinary Nicaraguans the idea that the Sandinistas were much stronger.

After the 1972 earthquake and Somoza's brazen corruption, mishandling of relief, and refusal to rebuild Managua, the ranks of the Sandinistas were flooded with young disaffected Nicaraguans who no longer had anything to lose.[34] These economic problems propelled the Sandinistas in their struggle against Somoza by leading many middle- and upper-class Nicaraguans to see the Sandinistas as the only hope for removing the brutal Somoza regime. In December 1974, a group of FSLN held some Managuan partygoers hostage until the Somozan government met their demands for a large ransom and free transport to Cuba. Somoza granted this, then subsequently sent his National Guard out into the countryside to look for the so-called 'terrorists'. While searching, the National Guard pillaged villages and imprisoned, tortured, raped, and executed hundreds of villagers. This invariably led to the Roman Catholic Church withdrawing any and all support of the Somoza regime. On January 10, 1978, Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, the editor of the national newspaper La Prensa and ardent opponent of Somoza, was assassinated.[35] This is believed to have led to the extreme general disappointment with Somoza. The planners and perpetrators of the murder were at the highest echelons of the Somoza regime and included the dictator's son, “El Chiguin”, the President of Housing, Cornelio Hueck, the Attorney General, and Pedro Ramos, a close ex-patriot, Cuban ally who commercialized blood plasma.[35]

The Sandinistas, supported by some of the populace, elements of the Catholic Church, and regional and international governments such as President Jimmy Carter of the United States, took power in July 1979. A group of prominent citizens, known as Los Doce, denounced the Somoza regime and said that "there can be no dialogue with Somoza...because he is the principal obstacle to all rational understanding...through the long dark history of Somocismo, dialogues with the dictatorship have only served to strengthen it..." Somoza fled the country and eventually ended up in Paraguay, where he was assassinated in September 1980, allegedly by members of the Argentinian Revolutionary Workers Party.[36] To begin the task of establishing a new government, they created a Council (or junta) of National Reconstruction, made up of five members – Sandinista militants Daniel Ortega and Moises Hassan, novelist Sergio Ramírez Mercado (a member of Los Doce "the Twelve"), businessman Alfonso Robelo Callejas, and Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (the widow of Pedro Joaquín Chamorro). The latter two later resigned from the junta refusing to take part in the marxist-leninist policies of the Sandinista Movement, this gave Violeta Barrios de Chamorro a growing level of support by a large percentage of the Nicaraguan population who also opposed the socialist regime. The preponderance of power, however, remained with the Sandinistas and their mass organizations, including the Sandinista Workers' Federation (Central Sandinista de Trabajadores), the Luisa Amanda Espinoza Nicaraguan Women's Association (Asociación de Mujeres Nicaragüenses Luisa Amanda Espinoza), and the National Union of Farmers and Ranchers (Unión Nacional de Agricultores y Ganaderos).

On the Atlantic Coast a small uprising also occurred in support of the Sandinistas. This event is often overlooked in histories about the Sandinista revolution. A group of Creoles led by a native of Bluefields, Dexter Hooker (aka Commander Abel), raided a Somoza-owned business to gain access to food, guns and money before heading off to join Sandinista fighters who had liberated the city of El Rama. The 'Black Sandinistas' returned to Bluefields on July 19, 1979 and took the city without a fight. However, the Black Sandinistas were challenged by a group of mestizo Sandinista fighters. The ensuing standoff between the two groups, with the Black Sandinistas occupying the National Guard barracks (the cuartel) and the mestizo group occupying the Town Hall (Palacio) gave the revolution on the Atlantic Coast a racial dimension which was absent from other parts of the country. The Black Sandinistas were assisted in their power struggle with the Palacio group by the arrival of the Simon Bolivar International Brigade from Costa Rica. One of the brigade's members, an Afro-Costa Rican called Marvin Wright (aka Kalalu) became known for the rousing speeches he would make, which included elements of black power ideology in his attempts to unite all the black militias that had formed in Bluefields. The introduction of a racial element into the revolution was not welcomed by the Sandinista National Directorate which expelled Kalalu and the rest of the brigade from Nicaragua and sent them to Panama.[37]

Sandinistas and the Contras

Main articles: FSLN, Contras, Iran-Contra scandal, and Nicaragua v. United States

Upon assuming office in 1981, U.S. President Ronald Reagan condemned the FSLN for joining with Cuba in supporting Marxist revolutionary movements in other Latin American countries such as El Salvador. His administration authorized the CIA to have their paramilitary officers from their elite Special Activities Division begin financing, arming and training rebels, some of whom were the remnants of Somoza's National Guard, as anti-Sandinista guerrillas that were branded "counter-revolutionary" by leftists (contrarrevolucionarios in Spanish).[38] This was shortened to Contras, a label the anti-socialist forces chose to embrace. Eden Pastora and many of the indigenous guerrilla forces, who were not associated with the "Somozistas," also resisted the Sandinistas. The Contras operated out of camps in the neighboring countries of Honduras to the north and Costa Rica to the south.[38] As was typical in guerrilla warfare, they were engaged in a campaign of economic sabotage in an attempt to combat the Sandinista government and disrupted shipping by planting underwater mines in Nicaragua's Corinto harbour,[39] an action condemned by the World Court as illegal.[40][41] The U.S. also sought to place economic pressure on the Sandinistas, and the Reagan administration imposed a full trade embargo.[42]

U.S. support for this Nicaraguan insurgency continued in spite of the fact that impartial observers from international groupings such as the European Economic Community, religious groups sent to monitor the election, and observers from democratic nations such as Canada and the Republic of Ireland concluded that the Nicaraguan general elections of 1984 were completely free and fair. The Reagan administration disputed these results however, despite the fact that the government of the United States never had any observers in Nicaragua at the time. The elections were not also recognized as legitimate because the Nicaraguan Democratic Coordinator, considered the main opposition group, and the only group of democratic opposition in the country did not participate in the elections. The Nicaraguan Democratic Coordinator did not participate in the elections due to the government's lack of response to its document "A Step Toward Democracy, Free Elections" issue in 1982. The document was asking the government to re-establish all civil rights: freedom of speech, freedom of organization, release of all political prisoners, cease of hostilities against the opposition, lifting the censorship on the media and abolishing all the laws violating humans rights. [43][44]

After the U.S. Congress prohibited federal funding of the Contras in 1983, the Reagan administration continued to back the Contras by covertly selling arms to Iran and channeling the proceeds to the Contras (the Iran-Contra Affair).[45] When this scheme was revealed, Reagan admitted that he knew about the Iranian "arms for hostages" dealings but professed ignorance about the proceeds funding the Contras; for this, National Security Council aide Lt. Col. Oliver North took much of the blame. Senator John Kerry's 1988 U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations report on Contra-drug links concluded that "senior U.S. policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contras' funding problems."[46] According to the National Security Archive, Oliver North had been in contact with Manuel Noriega, a Panamanian general and the de facto military dictator of Panama from 1983 to 1989 when he was overthrown and captured by a U.S. invading force.[47] He was taken to the United States, tried for drug trafficking, and imprisoned in 1992.[48]

In August 1996, San Jose Mercury News reporter Gary Webb published a series titled Dark Alliance, linking the origins of crack cocaine in California to the Contras.[49] Freedom of Information Act inquiries by the National Security Archive and other investigators unearthed a number of documents showing that White House officials, including Oliver North, knew about and supported using money raised via drug trafficking to fund the Contras. Sen. John Kerry's report in 1988 led to the same conclusions; however, major media outlets, the Justice Department, and Reagan denied the allegations.[50]

The International Court of Justice, in regard to the case of Nicaragua v. United States of America in 1984, found; "the United States of America was under an obligation to make reparation to the Republic of Nicaragua for all injury caused to Nicaragua by certain breaches of obligations under customary international law and treaty-law committed by the United States of America".[51] But was rejected citing the 'Connally Amendment', which excludes from the International court of Justice's jurisdiction "disputes with regard to matters that are essentially within the jurisdiction of the United States of America, determined by the United States of America"[52]

1990s and the post-Sandinista era

Multi-party democratic elections were held in 1990, which saw the defeat of the Sandinistas by a coalition of anti-Sandinista (from the left and right of the political spectrum) parties led by Violeta Chamorro, the widow of Pedro Joaquín Chamorro. The defeat shocked the Sandinistas as numerous pre-election polls had indicated a sure Sandinista victory and their pre-election rallies had attracted crowds of several hundred thousand people.[53] The unexpected result was subject to a great deal of analysis and comment, and was attributed by commentators such as Noam Chomsky and S. Brian Willson to the U.S./Contra threats to continue the war if the Sandinistas retained power, the general war-weariness of the Nicaraguan population, and the abysmal Nicaraguan economic situation.

Violeta Barrios de Chamorro in 1990 became the first female president democratically elected in the Americas.P. J. O'Rourke countered the US centered criticism in "Return of the Death of Communism", "the unfair advantages of using state resources for party ends, about how Sandinista control of the transit system prevented UNO supporters from attending rallies, how Sandinista domination of the army forced soldiers to vote for Ortega and how Sandinista bureaucracy kept $3.3 million of U.S. campaign aid from getting to UNO while Daniel Ortega spent millions donated by overseas people and millions and millions more from the Nicaraguan treasury ..."[54]

Exit polls of Nicaraguans reported Chamorro's victory over Ortega was achieved with only 55%.[55] Violeta Chamorro was the first woman to be popularly elected as President of a Latin American nation and first woman president of Nicaragua. Exit polling convinced Daniel Ortega that the election results were legitimate, and were instrumental in his decision to accept the vote of the people and step down rather than void the election. Nonetheless Ortega vowed that he would govern "desde abajo" (from below),[56] in other words due to his widespread control of institutions and Sandinista individuals in all government agencies, he would still be able to maintain control and govern even without being president.

Chamorro received an economy entirely in ruins. The per capita income of Nicaragua had been reduced by over 80% during the 1980s, and a huge government debt which ascended to US$12 billion primarily due to financial and social costs of the Contra war with the Sandinista-led government.[57] Much to the surprise of the U.S. and the contra forces, Chamorro did not dismantle the Sandinista People's Army, though the name was changed to the Nicaraguan Army. Chamorro's main contribution to Nicaragua was the disarmament of groups in the northern and central areas of the country. This provided stability that the country had lacked for over ten years.

In subsequent elections in 1996 Daniel Ortega and the Sandinistas of the FSLN were again defeated, this time by Arnoldo Alemán of the Constitutional Liberal Party (PLC).In the 2001 elections the PLC again defeated the FSLN, with Enrique Bolaños winning the Presidency. However, President Bolaños subsequently brought forward allegations of money laundering, theft and corruption against former President Alemán. The ex-president was sentenced to 20 years in prison for embezzlement, money laundering, and corruption.[58] The Liberal members who were loyal to Alemán and also members of congress reacted angrily, and along with Sandinista parliament members stripped the presidential powers of President Bolaños and his ministers, calling for his resignation and threatening impeachment.

President of Nicaragua, Daniel Ortega, in 2008The Sandinistas alleged that their support for Bolaños was lost when U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell told Bolaños to keep his distance from the FSLN.[59] This "slow motion coup" was averted partially due to pressure from the Central American presidents who would fail to recognize any movement that removed Bolaños; the U.S., the OAS, and the European Union also opposed the "slow motion coup".[60] The proposed constitutional changes that were going to be introduced in 2005 against the Bolaños administration were delayed until January 2007 after the entrance of the new government. Though one day before they were to be enforced, the National Assembly postponed their enforcement until January 2008.

Before the general elections on 5 November 2006, the National Assembly passed a bill further restricting abortion in Nicaragua 52-0 (9 abstaining, 29 absent). President Enrique Bolaños supported this measure, and signed the bill into law on 17 November 2006,[61] as a result Nicaragua is one of three countries in the world where abortion is illegal with no exceptions, along with El Salvador and Chile.

Legislative and presidential elections took place on November 5, 2006. Daniel Ortega returned to the presidency with 37.99% of the vote. This percentage was enough to win the presidency outright, due to a change in electoral law which lowered the percentage requiring a runoff election from 45% to 35% (with a 5% margin of victory).[62]

Politics

Main article: Politics of Nicaragua

Politics of Nicaragua takes place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Nicaragua is both head of state and head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the National Assembly. The Judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature.

Currently, Nicaragua's major political parties have been discussing the possibility of going from a presidential system to a parliamentary system. This way, there would be a clear differentiation between the head of government (Prime Minister) and the head of state (President).

Nicargua Photo Gallery

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The Nicargua Project

Nicaragua is the second poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, measured in GDP per capita.  According to research, 48% of the population live below the poverty line, 79.9% of the population live on less than $2 per day.

Legacy Road is about using our talents and resources to meet the needs of those less fortunate. For sure, there are many needs in our own backyard; and the question I hear all the time is, "Why the children of Nicargua?"   The answer is clear to us.   Though we support various  projects in the U.S., we feel compelled to to educate others and respond to the greatest needs.

We believe it is fair to say that the United States does not know poverty like Nicargua.  In the history below, you can learn of the devastating effects of poverty on Nicaragua.  The facts will open your eyes to the suffering and hardship that families in third world countries face everyday.   Please take the time to read and try to understand our motivation for responding to these needs.  It is important to use your best talents and resources for THE GREATEST AND MOST PRESSING NEEDS.  Often it is the children whosuffer the most in these places.   Suffice it to say that it is heart wrenching to see beautiful children walking the streets hungry and dirty.  This information will introduce you to the urgency and need to respond and to love children that have no hope and may even die without our intervention.

I first visited Nicargua with Gene Cotton in 2003.  It was an experience I will never forget.  We secured a dental station to install in a medical clinic in Mangua (the capital of Nicargua).  We also took school supplies and additional medical supplies. T he smallest things we take for granted are prized possessions in Nicaragua.  A pencil to a child is like the most wonderful gift in the world.  The pictures below are of the dental station and a child we met while visiting Nicargua that summer.

There are so many stories of how little things make the biggest differences to the children of Nicaragua.  One story is about Leonardo, a handsome young man who we met and became friends with on one of our trips.  He cried openly in front of us one night as we sat outside talking about his hopes and dreams.   Unfortunately, he could find no work and had no money to go to college. .. In that moment, Gene and I decided we would send Leonardo to college.   He graduated last year and now has a job to support his family! 

What a difference a moment can make...A life can surely be changed when we stop long enough to listen then act.   As you read about the children of Nicargua ask yourself, "What can I do?" "How can I build a lasting legacy for those who are in need?" Whether it is half way around the world or in your own backyard ask yourself, "How can I use my talents and resources to make a difference in a child's life?"

Gene Cotton, Leonardo, and Danny

Nicargua Photo Gallery from our Trip in 2003

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Nicaragua Trip

The Nicaragua Project is a community to community ministry

that seeks long-term involvement from individuals to be

participants in on-going projects in Nicaragua that foster life,

give hope, and help to bring about a world where peace and

justice are attained in tangible ways.

Past projects have involved outfitting a dental clinic, eye glasses

for underserved communities, on-going scholarship funding for

students to go to primary and secondary schools, as well as

college, drinking water wells, self sustainability loans for microbusinesses

such as a bakery in Posotega run by eleven women,

on-going medical supplies for a rural heath care organization, computers for schools, and other self

sustainability projects.

The current effort is a four year project to rehab a school in a poor neighborhood in Managua, the

capitol city. The school is “Centro Alternatívo Projécto 19 de Julio” and serves mainly poor

children, grades K thru 12, many who are street children who are offered full scholarships. We are

currently entering the fourth year of this project. Three teams have gone down for the past three years

to rehab the two buildings at the school.

The teams stay in the homes of Nicaraguan families. Many of the family members, as well as teachers

from the school and other people that we have built relationships with over the years, work side by

side with the teams on this project. The host family experience and the joint working effort have done

more for breaking down walls and barriers and building relationships than any other aspect of the

project.

Before we talk about the possibilities of a work project in Nicaragua, I think it’s important for us to

have a sense what the county is like, who the people are, and an idea of the pivotal historical events

that have brought the country to where it is today.

Located in Central America, Nicaragua

is bordered on the north by Honduras,

the south by Costa Rica, the west by the

North Pacific Ocean, and the east by the

Caribbean Sea. It is the largest country

in Central America with a total land area

of 129,494 sq. km (a little smaller than

the state of New York).

Most of Nicaragua is rural with an

agrarian based economy.

Typical rural village home

NICARAGUA The Nicaragua Project

For All That Is Possible

Primary crops are coffee, bananas,

sugarcane, cotton, rice, tobacco, soya,

beans, beef, veal, pork, poultry and dairy

products. Its main industries are food

processing, chemicals, machinery, metal

products, textiles, clothing, petroleum,

beverages, and wood. The government

of Nicaragua is a Republic.

When Columbus landed on the Atlantic

coast of what is now Nicaragua in 1502,

most of the region was inhabited by

indigenous peoples. The Spanish

founded permanent settlements in 1522,

and within 30 years from this date, the

aboriginal population fell from an

estimated one million to a few tens of

thousands. For 300 years thereafter,

Nicaragua was ruled from the Spanish empire’s regional capital of Guatemala. Independence from

Spain was declared in 1821. Throughout its history, Nicaragua has been divided both geographically

and culturally between East and West. The Pacific coast, where today about 90% of the population

lives, was colonized by the Spanish. In the late 17th century, the Atlantic coast fell under the British

sphere of influence and is mostly inhabited by Miskito Amerindians and English-speaking blacks.

Most of the Atlantic coast was not incorporated into Nicaragua until the early 1900s, and no road

connected the two coasts until the 1980s.

As the original site of the proposed trans-isthmus canal, Nicaragua was always carefully watched by

the world powers. U.S. Marines invaded Nicaragua on numerous occasions in the 19th century and

again in the early 20th century. Beginning in 1927, General Augusto César Sandino fought the

occupying U.S. Marines until they left in 1933. Sandino was murdered in 1934 by the head of the

National Guard, Anastasio Somoza. From then until 1979, Somoza and his family ruled Nicaragua

like a fiefdom.

In 1978 and 1979, structural injustice and repression

spurred mass insurrections which the National Guard

brutally put down , killing 30,000 to 50,000 people.

Opposition to the Somoza regime was organized by

the Sandinista National Liberation Front, which came

to power in July 1979 after a brief war. The Sandinistas

nationalized the land and commercial interests of the

Somoza family and their close associates (roughly 20%

of arable land and industry), and carried out extensive

agrarian reform. Sandinista health and literacy

campaigns in the early years of the new government

won worldwide acclaim. From 1982 to 1989, Nicaragua

was again immersed in war when the Reagan administration supported a heavily-armed counterrevolutionary

movement. Though unable to win political power, the “contras” terrorized the countryside

and inflicted great damage to the economy. A U.S. embargo brought further hardship to the country.

The main highway that connects the east to the west

Sunday morning worship service

Most of the fighting ended with the electoral

defeat of the Sandinistas in 1990, which resulted

from war weariness and political ineptness. The

country had been ravaged and profoundly

polarized by the long years of fighting. Today,

Nicaragua is second only to Haiti as the poorest

country in the western hemisphere. There is an

astonishing unemployment rate of upwards to

76% and over 70% of the country’s children who

go to school, do not attend school beyond the

6th grade.

Between dictators, wars, revolutions, counterrevolutions,

volcanic eruptions, an earthquake

that nearly leveled the entire capitol city of

Managua in 1972, numerous hurricanes (especially hurricane Mitch in 1998 that took thousands of

lives and left the entire infrastructure of the country in rubble), it is amazing to me to find the kind of

faith and spirit very alive in the people of Nicaragua. I am always humbled by their celebration of life

in the midst of despair.

I have been going to Nicaragua since 1990 on various

mission trips and work projects. At first it was to “help

those people”, but early on, I learned it was me who got

the help. I have come to understand the meaning of life

in a new light, as I have gotten to know the people of

this wonderful country.

After many trips and experiences, I felt like there was

still something missing in our relationship with the people

we were working with. No one actually said this to me,

but what I interpreted from conversations that I was

having was, “You people always come down here and

do these work projects and bring all these wonderful gifts, and don’t get us wrong, we love what you

have done for us, but nobody ever comes here just to visit or just to be with us”. The next trip we

made, my wife Marnie and I spent the Christmas and New Year Holidays with our friends. No agenda,

no work projects, and it was the most amazing experience we have ever had!

People have asked me, “Do I have to be a member of a church to go on one of these trips?”, and the

answer is no. Although the Nicaragua Project is a faith based organization, no one is ever excluded.

We have taken many people who have no relationship to a church or community of faith.

December 2009 Trip

As I mentioned, the current project is rehabbing a school in a poor neighborhood in Managua. The

trips that we have made the past three years have really made a huge difference in the school. We

have re-wired both of the buildings at the school, along with new plugs, light switches, and fixtures,

painted all of the classrooms, new doors on all classrooms, installed white boards in the classrooms,

installed new roofs on both buildings, created a library, provided over $45,000.00 in scholarships,

funded the salary of the school director, provided numerous college scholarships, set up a computer

lab, purchased uniforms and shoes for students, tooth brushes and dental supplies, eyeglasses for

students and people in the community where the school is located, provided sporting gear, a new

basketball backboard and pole, clothing, office equipment and supplies, prepared a room for an

Internet Café, as well as contributing thousands of dollars to the local economy.

This year we will be painting the exterior of the building, landscaping, repainting any areas inside

that need touch-up work, complete the installation of the Internet Café, installing a new roof on the

home of one of the school’s administrators, as well as other small maintenance projects.

Making The Commitment

What our brothers and sisters in Nicaragua don’t need, is someone who is going to flash in and out

of their lives for 15 minutes so they can feel good about “having done something”. What they do

need is people who are going to enter into long term partnerships that are going to make a real

difference not only in their lives, but in life of their country. This is why the Nicaragua Project has been

creating possibilities since 1990. We are in it for the “long haul”.

Trip Information

We plan to leave December 26th and return January 3rd. We would love to take 15 to 20 people

this year. Some people will come for the entire trip, while others will only stay 4 or 5 days. Several

people will stay a little longer. We will take you for whatever amount of time you can give.

We stay in the homes of Nicaraguan families, and we eat breakfast and dinner in the homes. We eat

lunch at the school. We will probably go out to eat together as a group several times. We give the

families $10.00 per day that we stay in their homes. This helps with the food they provide, as well as

give them some extra money. Everyone contributes $5.00 a day towards lunch food and $50.00

towards the bus that takes us back and forth each day. We will also do a day trip to a volcano, and

that will cost approximately $20.00.

Below is a good estimate on what the trip will cost:

Airfare............ Depending on departure, somewhere between $650 and $ 1,000.00

Food and Lodging in homes @ $10.00 per day X 10 ................................... 100.00

Day Trip ......................................................................................................... 20.00

Misc. Expenses, souvenirs, etc. ..................................................................... 75.00

Bus ................................................................................................................ 50.00

Lunch $5.00 per day X 10 days ...................................................................... 50.00

So roughly somewhere between $945.00 and $1,295.00 would be your total cost for the trip.

If you want to go on this trip, you need to contact me as soon as possible to work out the details. My

contact information is as follows:

Gene Cotton

3411 Sweeney Hollow Road

Franklin, TN 37064

(615) 794-5712 (Home)

(615) 804-0153

gene5712@aol.com

Please feel free to contact me at anytime. Also, be aware that the longer you wait to purchase your

ticket, the more expensive it becomes. The rates are always higher during the Holiday Season.

This is an exciting life-changing possibility for your life. There have been few people who have made

this trip whose lives have not been profoundly changed. I have been going to Nicaragua since 1990,

and I know the difference this is going to make in the lives of the children at the school, as well as the

difference that it is going to make in the lives of you who make the trip .

For those of you who will go on the trip, there is further information that you need to know in terms of

what kind of clothing to bring, contact info in Nicaragua, etc. You will not need any special shots or

visa, but you will need a passport. If you plan to go and don’t have a passport, I would urge you to

apply for one as soon as possible.

What Else You Can Do

Whether you can go or not, there are other things that you can do. You can make a donation. All gifts

are tax deductible. Checks should be made out to The Nicaragua Project and sent to:

Gene Cotton

The Nicaragua Project

c/o Christ United Methodist Church

508 Franklin Road

Franklin, TN 37069

Every single dollar that is donated, goes towards the project. There are no administration fees or

other costs associated with our work in Nicaragua. 100% of the money goes to Nicaragua, and I

must tell you we work very hard to turn a nickel into a dollar.

There are other needs as

well. We need computers

for the school (ones that

run at least Windows 2000

or Windows XP), flat

screen monitors, computer

networking gear, school

supplies, children’s

clothing, especially white

blouses, white shirts, blue

skirts and blue pants (this

is the school uniform),

office supplies, musical

instruments, any kind of

childrens books in

Spanish, and any kind of

kitchen utensils, plastic or

metal.

And most importantly, you can pray. Pray for the people of Nicaragua, pray for our team members

who will go this year, and pray that as we share God’s love through this ministry, people will be drawn

to Him.

Nicaragua Trip Information at the bottom of this page.

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